This year's Munich Security Conference, among other things, unfortunately, will be remembered for the scandalous statement: "12 Steps for Greater Security for Ukraine and the Euro-Atlantic Region", which was jointly prepared by several think tanks in Europe in cooperation with the Russian Council on Foreign Affairs.
A telling development indicating that the statement is fatally flawed is the decision by the organizers of the reputable conference that compelled the removal of the text from the official website of the Munich Security Conference. At the same time, the statement itself cannot be ignored by the international community.
At the outset, we would like to express our gratitude to the well-known International experts, diplomats and political figures who noted the surfacing of these "12 steps" and rightly criticized them as distorting and misleading the international community.
There is no point in discussing the substance of the document, as it is a reiteration of the Kremlin's approach to assessing "events in and around Ukraine." Russia does not recognize it's armed aggression against Ukraine and the occupation of parts of Ukraine's sovereign territory. Instead, Kremlin propaganda continues to be repeated about some sort of civil war in Ukraine. The authors of "12 Steps" also would like to: resuscitate the Moscow myth of seeking to "revise Ukraine's national identity" by injecting in this process interference by neighboring states; introducing a special regime of economic relations between Donbas and Russia; and weakening international sanctions against Russia. All of this, despite continued armed aggression and occupation of Ukrainian territories.
Notwithstanding the persistent efforts of Russian propaganda to form a fictitious parallel reality in the public's understanding, it remains an irrefutable fact that, since February 20, 2014, Russia has been waging an aggressive war against Ukraine, occupying Crimea and part of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. The same is true of the fact that Russia has launched and continues a covert war against NATO and the EU, seeking to spread chaos and to destabilize the global security order in order to impose its political will on weakened democratic states. We believe that the 12-step statement itself is another example of a devastating influence of the Kremlin in the West. By abusing the principle of freedom of expression Moscow covertly imposes a self serving agenda on Western politicians, media organizations and think tanks.
It should be underscored that solving problems in Russia's relations with Ukraine does not require complicated and bizarre scenarios. In accordance with the rules of international law, Russia simply must cease armed aggression, cease violating international norms, unconditionally withdraw all its armed formations from Crimea, the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, as well as further the establishment of Ukrainian control along the entire state border. Such a step-by-step plan is, in particular, contained in the Ukrainian Doctrine of Security and Peace, approved by the Strategic Council of the Capitulation Resistance Movement on October 31, 2019.
Russia must take political and material responsibility for the consequences for the crime it committed: aggression — the occupation of the Ukrainian territory. Until Russia relinquishes control of part of the territory of Ukraine under its general control, it is obliged to safe guard human life in its occupied territories and to ensure respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms there. In order to force the aggressor to accelerate the restoration of international order, the world community should strengthen sanctions rather than seek to resume cooperation with a state that violently and grossly violates international law.
Only this approach to solving this problem will ensure a just and lasting peace.
Kyiv, February 17, 2020
1. Volodymyr Vasylenko, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine, Doctor of Law, Professor National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
2. Joseph Zisels, Vice President of the Congress of National Communities of Ukraine, Member of the December First Initiative Group, dissident and political prisoner of the Soviet regime
3. Vyacheslav Bryukhovetsky, Professor and Honorary President of the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Member of the December First Initiative Group
4. Volodymyr Ogryzko, Statesman, Diplomat, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (2007–2009)
5. Roman Bezsmertny, statesman, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine, former representative of Ukraine to the political unit of the Tripartite Contact Group in Minsk
6. Danylo Lubkivskyi, diplomat, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (2014).
7. Sergiy Kvit, Professor, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Minister of Education and Science of Ukraine (2014–2016)
8. Mikhail Gonchar, President of the XXI Center for Global Studies, leading energy expert
9. Mykhailo Basarab, political scientist, Candidate of Political Science, member of the Presidium of the Public Commission for Investigation and Prevention of Human Rights Violations in Ukraine
10. Andriy Levus, Head of the Ukrainian Strategic Initiative, Member of Parliament of Ukraine 8th convocation
11. Sergey Vysotsky, journalist, Member of Parliament of Ukraine 8th convocation
12. Igor Lapin, Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the 8th Convocation, veteran of the Russian-Ukrainian war
13. Andriy Yusov, Director of NGO "School for Responsible Politics"
14. Miroslav Guy, officer in the Armed Forces Reserve, veteran of the Russian-Ukrainian War
15. Mustafa Dzhemilev, leader of the Crimean Tatar national movement, human rights activist, dissident and political prisoner, 1st head of the Majlis of the Crimean Tatar people, People's Deputy of Ukraine
16. Alexei Panich, philosopher, translator, lead researcher at the NGO "Spirit and Letter"
17. Konstantin Sigov, philosopher and social activist, Head of the Center for European Humanities at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
18. Myroslav Marynovych, Vice-Rector of the Ukrainian Catholic University, member of the December First Initiative Group, and Nestoriv Group, dissident and political prisoner of the Soviet regime
19. Mykola Ryabchuk, Honorary President of the Ukrainian PEN Club
20. Vakhtang Kebuladze, Doctor of Philosophy, Professor, Department of Theoretical and Practical Philosophy, Faculty of Philosophy Taras Shevchenko National University of KyiV, Publicist, translator
21. Yevhen Zakharov, Member of the December First Initiative Group, Head of the Kharkiv Human Rights Group
22. Oleksandra Hnatyuk, member of the December First Initiative Group
23. Hnna Hopko, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 8th convocation
24. Volodymyr Yermolenko, philosopher, writer, analyst and director of the NGO Internews-Ukraine, senior professor of National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy, member of the December First Initiative Group
25. Mykola Knyazhitsky, Member of Parliament of Ukraine 9th convocation
26. Akhtem Chigoz, Member of the Majlis of the Crimean Tatar People's Deputy of Ukraine
27. Igor Kozlovsky, President of the Center for Religious Studies and International Faith Relations, Member of the December First Initiative Group, Prisoner of Conscience
28. Igor Koliushko, Chairman of the Board, Center for Political and Legal Reforms
29. Yaroslav Yatskiv, Academician of the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) of Ukraine, Chairman of the Ukrainian International Committee on Science and Culture at the NAS of Ukraine, member of the December First Initiative Group
30. Kateryna Smagliy, graduate of the McCain Institute's Next Generation Program
31. Borys Zakharov, Chairman of the Board of the Wave Humanities Studio
32. Alexander Skipalsky, Lieutenant General, Honorary Chairman of the Volyn Brotherhood
33. Andriy Yurash, Religious Specialist, Director of the Department of Religions and Nationalities at the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports
34. Yuriy Shcherbak, writer, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine
35. Ostap Yednak, Candidate of Science in Social Communications
36. Oksana Yurenets, Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly NATO 8th convocation
37. Leonid Finberg, Director of the Center for Studies of the History and Culture of East European Jewry at the National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy, Editor-in-Chief of Spirit and Letter Publishing House
38. Ivan Vasyunyk, Chairman of the Supervisory Board of the Holodomor Victims Memorial Project, Deputy Prime Minister for Humanitarian Affairs (2007–2010)
39. Karl Volokh, businessman, blogger
40. Anatoly Rachok, Director General of the Razumkov Center
41. Yuriy Yakimenko, Deputy Director General — Director of Political and Legal Programs of the Razumkov Center
42. Alexei Melnyk, Co-Director of Foreign Policy and International Security Programs at the Razumkov Center
43. Mikhail Pashkov, Co-Director of Foreign Policy and International Security Programs at the Razumkov Center
44. Mykola Sungurovsky, Director of Military Programs at the Razumkov Center
45. Petro Stetsyuk, Scientific Advisor to the Razumkov Center for Legal Affairs, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine retired
46. Viktor Zamyatin, leading expert on the political and legal programs of the Razumkov Center
47. Alexei Razumny, expert on political and legal programs of the Razumkov Center
48. Maxim Bilyavsky, expert on energy programs at the Razumkov Center
49. Svetlana Chekunova, expert on energy programs at the Razumkov Center
50. Taras Stetskiv, Member of Parliament of Ukraine for multiple convocations, co-sponsor of the Zarvanytsia Initiative
51. Andrey Kokotyukha, screenwriter, journalist, writer
52. Oleg Medunitsa, Member of Parliament of Ukraine for three convocations
53. Andriy Denysenko, Member of Parliament of Ukraine 8th convocation
54. Olesya Yakhno, political scientist, Candidate of Political Science
55. Dmitry Krapivenko, Editor-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Week
56. Dmytro Likhovyi, journalist, Editor-in-Chief of the internet magazine "Novinarnya"
57. Yevhen Magda, Assistant Professor National Technical University of Ukraine Polytechnic Institute Igor Sikorsky, Director of the Institute of World Policy
58. Victor Taran, political expert
59. Sergiy Gerasymchuk, Deputy Chairman of the Board, Foreign Policy Council "Ukrainian Prism"
60. Vladimir Gorbach, Political Analyst at the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation
61. Volodymyr Omelchenko, Director of Energy Programs of the Razumkov Center
62. Maria Zolkina, political analyst
63. Elena Snigir, Candidate of Political Science
64. Oleg Berezyuk, Head of Ukrainian Law Society
65. Natalia Belitser, expert at the Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy
66. Nestor Volia, social and political blogger
67. The Capitulation Resistance Movement
68.National Interests Defense Network
69. New Country Civic Platform
70. Myroslava Barchuk, TV Anchor;
71. Natalya Popovich, co-founder Ukrainian Crisis Media Center
72. Oleksandr Antonyuk, Political Expert, Head of Real Politics Analytic Group
73. Volodymyr Aryev, Head of Ukrainian PACE Delegation 2015–19, Member of Parliament of Ukraine 8th convocation
74. Andriy Teteruk, Member of Parliament of Ukraine 8th Convocation, veteran of the Russian-Ukrainian war.
75. Mikhail Khmil, Member of Parliament of Ukraine 7–8 convocations
76. Alya Shandra, Editor-in-Chief of the English-language website Euromaidan Press
77. Lyubov Tsybulska, Ukrainian Crisis Media Center
78. Natalia Ligacheva, Head of the NGO Director Media
79. Tatiana Ogarkova, Ukrainian Crisis Media Center
